W2F001K
Dedan Kimathi duly received a letter from the secretary of Othaya Division, delicately asking him why there seemed to be some friction between him and Stanley Mathenge, or Kirema-Thahu. "Why this ill-feeling between you, and why aren't you giving Kirema-Thahu any promotion?"
Dedan Kimathi read between the lines, and knew that it was all part of the trouble that was besetting his new Parliament. The illiterates were at it again. Everybody was grumbling from here to Nairobi and Kiambu, questioning the legitimacy of this new Parliament. Many said it was not representational. Kiambu wanted members in it, and so did Nairobi. Muranga had only one member and wanted more. It made Dedan Kimathi groan, for the whole point of his Parliament had been to have a closely-knit group of intelligent people who could meet easily and make important decisions for the whole of Kenya; a small group that could draft letters to the Government, carrying the authority of the black people. To stretch it beyond the Aberdares would render it ineffective because of the difficulties in communication. Everybody would be where they were before.
Already his small compact Parliament, which consisted of energetic and bright people, had carried out a difficult task quite smoothly. General China, the man in charge of all fighting forces on Mount Kenya, had been captured and had written a letter to Kimathi dated 16.2.54, to say that he had been sentenced to death on the third of that month. "I appealed, but I don't know what the consequences will be. It doesn't matter much. I will let you know what will happen. I gave a letter to the Government delegates showing them the mistakes done to our boys when they come out of the forest to surrender, as laid down by the Government. I asked them if they made a mistake when writing this law. I showed them how bad it is to kill leaders in the forest when they arrest them, before finding out the reason for the fighting, and how it can be brought to an end. They asked me why I lead terrorists, and what prevents them from surrendering. I answered that if the boys come out of the forest, they might be killed by the <ea/>askaris of the Government. If you want my boys to surrender, you must remove your <ea/>askaris so the boys get a chance to come out, so that the war may be stopped, so that we may negotiate. There's one question they asked me. They asked if the security forces are removed from the reserves where will the persons you call barren go? Will you not kill them all? What will those who help the Government say? I was defeated by that question, and that is why I want you to tell me what we should do and what you think ..."
China suggested selecting four leaders, two from his Mount Kenya camp, and two from the Aberdares, to negotiate with the Government. He had been assured by the Government that those leaders would not be killed.
"Is it right for the war to stop on both sides so that we can negotiate?
"Is it right to send the four leaders?
"Is the Government trying to trick us?"
China's views were that negotiations should be started, for there might not be another chance. "Bear in mind that in this war we are killing mainly black people and not Europeans. Reply urgently. I know you know the importance of replying to all letters, whether bad or good. Elder, don't disappoint me!"
On receiving the letter, Dedan Kimathi had straight away called for an urgent session of Parliament to discuss this grave matter. The capture of China was a shattering blow, and he needed the twelve members to know how to proceed. After more than a year of fighting, the British Government had netted the first major leader, and were trying to use him to effect mass surrender from Mau Mau troops. As China had written to fifteen other leaders in the forest, action had to be taken quickly to avoid weak leaders taking the wrong decision on their own. After a year in the forest, a chance to call it off and surrender without being hanged could be too tempting for some.
Parliament met at the camp in Thaina with General Roy as the only absentee. Many other leaders were invited so that the decisions taken should not appear to be those of only a small select group. A document was produced, laying down in terse no-nonsense terms, conditions for peace. In effect, the document said that the freedom fighters would never come out of the forest until Kenya was granted full independence, and all the stolen land returned to the Africans. If this condition was not met, the freedom fighters were willing to fight to the last drop of their blood.
While the document was being drafted, Dedan Kimathi smoked fervently, his eyes shining and his chin firmly set -- the picture of a man not willing to give in an inch. As the document pointed out, the freedom fighters were doing very well, despite one hundred thousand troops being massed against them, aided by Harvard Lincoln bombers and artillery. To start negotiating with the Government, several conditions had to be fulfilled -- demolition of the new fortified villages, police posts and military bases; disarming of the homeguards; release of all prisoners; opening of Kikuyu Independent Schools, some of which had been turned into concentration camps; the participation of the three lawyers who had defended Jomo Kenyatta; and finally, a chance to consult with Kenyatta before negotiations.
Ndiritu Thuita and Karari Njama were chosen to attend negotiations any time His Excellency the Governor, Sir Evelyn Baring, and General Sir Erskine, East African Commander in Chief, were ready for negotiations.
Karari Njama drafted the document in good English. He had been to the famous Alliance High School. Dedan Kimathi, feeling satisfied, thanked his Parliament for a great job and then relaxed to enjoy a cup of coffee. It was a document that would make the Governor realise that it was not dealing with boys, but the toughest guerrilla army ever assembled.
To drive the point home, Dedan Kimathi drafted his own private reply to the Government: